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Tal Fortgang
Commentary
Excerpt: Intersectionality is in crisis. It is reeling from the Republican-led assault on left-wing radicalism, retreating to its campus redoubt. If it passes from our public discourse, its epitaph should read: “Often wrong, never in doubt.”
Triumphalism is premature, though. During its brief, wondrous heyday as a progressive shibboleth, intersectionality exerted enormous power over American life. Intersectional ideas fueled BLM, the Women’s March, and gender ideology, all of which blended into one “omnicause.” It is on the decline, but the underlying ideas that ignited it in the first place may persist. Ensuring that intersectionality dies and stays dead requires understanding those ideas and developing the vocabulary to explain why the movement that intersectionality spawned inevitably fails.
Jeff Yass
The Free Press
Excerpt: I am giving $100 million to the University of Austin because the feedback mechanisms of higher education are broken.
Almost every system that works, works because of feedback. Evolution works because helpful mutations survive while harmful ones die off. Democracy works because voters support effective leaders and remove ineffective ones. Markets work because prices tell producers when to ramp up or scale back. Science works because the data from an experiment tells the scientist how likely their hypothesis is to be false.
Graham Piro
FIRE
Excerpt: FIRE has previously argued for colleges and universities to adopt institutional neutrality, both as a boon for the campus climate and as an insurance policy for the university. By declaring itself neutral on major political and social issues, a university ensures that it does not chill potential dissenters on campus by constantly taking official positions on unresolved topics.
But recently, two public universities demonstrated that they misunderstand what institutional neutrality entails. They used the principle to restrict student speech under the guise of protecting university neutrality.
Adam Goldstein
Chronicle of Higher Education
Excerpt: A recent essay in these pages by Charles F. Walker posits that the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression’s rankings don’t actually measure the speech climate of college campuses because they penalize colleges for disruptive speech that is constitutionally protected. Walker’s argument is rooted in a number of misconceptions, not the least of which is that he seems not to understand what the rankings are for. Moreover, he misrepresents the law around disruptive protests. But because the first problem swallows the second, let’s start there.
