Annabel Green
'26
In the recently published piece, The Next Campus Battle after Free Speech: Viewpoint Diversity at America’s Elite Universities, Edward Yingling ’70 and Leslie Spencer ’79 offer three “green shoots” to the ideological monolith that is America’s elite universities: civics centers, faculty reform, and the banning of diversity statements. I would like to offer a student perspective on these proposals. In my view, these reforms vary widely in their practical viability. Student civic programs offer the most promising path toward intellectual renewal, faculty reform appears the least promising, and hiring reforms, particularly the elimination of diversity statements, serve as a necessary precondition for genuine intellectual honesty.
Civics Centers
Civics centers, such as the James Madison Program, seem to be the most promising of these green shoots. Many campus programs, especially those of a more obvious political nature, operate with a clear ideological framework. Because of this, political programs can feel insular or recursive. One response to this problem is the reintroduction of programs which educate students in civic virtue while grounding them in the Western canon. These programs lack a spirit of activism and instead, they form students intellectually through the pursuit of knowledge and truth. Civics centers support engagement with foundational thinkers in philosophy, law, and political thought.
This approach also offers a constructive path for students strongly attached to a particular ideology. Attempting to challenge students’ ideological commitments directly, seems to be unfruitful. Instead, by encountering major thinkers in philosophy, law, and aesthetics, their ideological assumptions can be tested and gradually give way to deeper intellectual and moral questions and commitments.
Reform from within the Faculty
Faculty reform appears to be the least promising of the three green shoots because it assumes that transformation must occur within a highly homogeneous group. Initiatives such as the Heterodox Academy Campus Community Network are encouraging, but they do not fully address the depth of ideological uniformity within faculty culture.
There is a deeply entrenched belief in academia, often defended by the observation that educated people tend, on the whole, to vote Democratic. From this, some conclude that Republicans are too uneducated to be professors. The late English philosopher and social critic Sir Roger Scruton, pointed out the consequences of this assumption. In many elite institutions, conservatism is not treated as a serious body of thought to be confronted through civil argument and instead, it is dismissed as a moral defect. Once a political view is treated this way, it is rejected outright.
Another related issue I addressed in my essay, The Ideal of the University, is that professors have increasingly overreached the bounds of their authority. Many now see themselves as possessing authority over the moral formation of students. The difficulty is in abandoning these already deeply embedded assumptions, especially within a culture that is itself highly homogeneous. How such a change can be achieved in such an environment, I am not sure.
Diversity Statements
Banning diversity statements is a necessary precondition for restoring honest academic discourse. As Yingling and Spencer note, the requirement of diversity statements has functioned as a “de facto litmus test” for faculty applicants and has produced a niche industry dedicated to helping candidates craft the appropriate statement. Such requirements pressure faculty members to conform to prevailing ideological preferences. Faculty should not feel that they must virtue-signal or express allegiance to a political cause in hiring and promotion. Eliminating these statements is necessary to address ideological conformity at universities.
Conclusion
Drawing on my experience as a student, I believe civic centers most directly foster proper intellectual formation and foster the deepest intellectual and moral commitments, faculty reform is least likely to succeed given existing homogeneity, and banning diversity statements is a necessary precondition for restoring honest academic discourse.
Annabel Green '26, is a senior from Boulder, CO majoring in Public and International Affairs and minoring in Global Health & Health Policy. She is a PFS student writing fellow.A Student Perspective on Reviving America’s Elite Universities
Matters of viewpoint diversity have recently received considerable attention in the academy and the media. A recent essay by Lisa Siraganian, “Seven Theses Against Viewpoint Diversity,” makes the case against efforts to increase viewpoint diversity.
I believe that the lack of viewpoint and intellectual diversity within the university has hindered the pursuit of knowledge and the well-being of society. I would thus like to take up Siraganian’s invitation and charge.
“I’ve had the tremendous privilege of knowing so many fantastic students at Princeton, who I know will become extraordinary military leaders. And I think that it would be a massive shame if that potential was eliminated,” the student said in response to an announcement that Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth ’03 made on Feb. 27. In a video posted on social media, Hegseth announced that the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) will end sponsorship for graduate students at Princeton and other Ivy League institutions beginning in the 2026–27 academic year.
University spokesperson Jennifer Morrill wrote in a statement to the ‘Prince’ that there are “a dozen active-duty military graduate students currently enrolled at Princeton, representing all four branches of the U.S. Armed services with all but two of those students enrolled at SPIA.” As the policy currently stands, active-duty service members may be unable to attend Princeton for graduate school while remaining in service.
In Part I of this series, I wrote that President Eisgruber’s Terms of Respect deserves credit for clearly distinguishing between free speech as a moral principle and the First Amendment as a legal doctrine, and for rejecting the simplistic claim that universities violate free speech whenever they regulate expression.
In Part II, I analyzed one of the sources of that reluctance and its surprising influence in bringing Eisgruber to this point.
Now we can get to the heart of the book. Eisgruber’s novel approach to campus free speech issues builds on this foundation, to argue that campus free speech issues aren’t really campus issues, and aren’t really about free speech. Rather, campuses reflect national divisions in microcosm, and the division is not about speech and its discontents, but about “the meaning of respect and, ultimately, what it means to treat people as equals.” He ultimately concludes that while speech has to foster constructive dialogue and truth-seeking, the controversies making waves are about the terms on which that constructive dialogue occurs—which is a good thing, as Eisgruber and his critics alike agree—and that universities are closer to being models (albeit imperfect ones) than sources of the problem. It’s this surprising take that gives Terms of Respect its punch and has made Eisgruber a minor folk hero among academia’s defenders.
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